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On the contrary, Gramsci conceives language [lingua] as really produced by the convergence of the social and historical interests of a determined human group that both collectively reaches a common way of expressing and also expresses social and cultural differentiations and conflicts.

Language [linguaggio] also means even though at the level of common sense culture and philosophy. Culture in its various degrees unifies a majority or minority of individuals in numerous strata, more or less in expressive contact, and that understand each other in diverse degrees etc.

It is these differences and historico-cultural distinctions that are reflected into common language [linguaggio].

Thus, language [lingua] expresses the culture of a given people, even if each culture contains some differences and diversities that are determined by historico-social conditions, which are expressed in various types of socially connoted language [linguaggio].

The fact that Gramsci takes into account the sociocultural conditions of the speakers explains his position in relation to the problem concerning the relationship between national language and dialects, which, as it seems to me, expresses the same attitude he had toward the relationship between dominant and folkloric culture.

Yet a dialectal linguistic system linked to a narrow and subaltern cultural environment will have more limited and sectarian communicative potentials than those offered by the national language that, despite its internal differentiations, expresses a hegemonic culture: Someone who only speaks dialect, or understands the standard language incompletely, necessarily has an intuition of the world which is more or less limited and provincial, which is fossilised and anachronistic in relation to the other major currents of thought which dominate world history.

His interests will be limited, more or less corporate or economistic, not universal. While it is not always possible to learn a number of foreign languages in order to put oneself in contact with other cultural lives, it is at the least necessary to learn the national language properly.

A great culture can be translated into the language of another great culture, that is to say a great national language with historic richness and complexity, and it can translate any other great culture and can be a world-wide means of expression.

But a dialect cannot do this. For Gramsci, this does not mean that one has to negate the realities of dialects: he has never argued that dialects must disappear; he only affirmed that it is necessary to set in motion a determined cultural and political situation in order for popular classes to overcome every cultural and linguistic sectarianism45 and to get the kind of linguistic system capable of guaranteeing the communication of universal cultural content, which characterize the new hegemonic function exercised by the proletariat.

Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 41 When Gramsci talks about national language, however, he is well aware of using a compromised concept that, in order for it to be freed from every romantic and idealistic ideological implication, must be redefined in sociological terms and verified in the light of historical and social determinations.

Therefore, Gramsci explains the formation of national languages directly relating it to the modalities in which intellectual strata are formed, to the latter political and social function and to the traits of the hegemonic culture they represent.

His contribution is still productive if one connects it to the strong expansion of the modern sociology of language, which is attentively looking, for example, at linguistic policies in the developing countries.

Gramsci complains about the lack of works of history of the Italian language carried out using the sociological method, such as F.

He shows how the basic character of the literary, written language, not the spoken or popular language, depends on the cosmopolitan function exercised by the intellectual caste since the times when it was the language through which the Catholic and universalistic culture of the dominant class used to express itself.

The growth of the communes propelled the development of the vernaculars, and the intellectual hegemony of Florence consolidated it; that is, it created an illustrious vernacular.

But what is this illustrious vernacular? It is the Florentine [dialect] developed by the intellectuals of the old tradition: the vocabulary as well as the phonetics are Florentine, but the syntax is Latin.

The victory of the vernacular over the Latin was not easy, however: with the exception of poets and artists in general, learned Italians wrote for Christian Europe not for Italy; they were a compact group of cosmopolitan and not national intellectuals.

The fall of the communes and the advent of the principality, the creation of a governing caste detached from the people, crystallized this vernacular in the same way literary Latin had been crystallized.

Italian became, once again, a written and not a spoken language, belonging to the learned, not to the nation. In other words, it is not the case that an entire stratum of the population creates its own intellectuals when it attains power which is what happened in the fourteenth century ; rather, a traditionally selected body assimilates single individuals into its cadres the typical example of this is the ecclesiastical structure.

In other words, this approach also includes the problematic related to semiological writing systems analyzed as facts emerging from determined types of organization and the diffusion of culture.

The same function that was performed in medieval Europe by a linguistic system was in China performed by the system of writing.

In other words, this function consisted in transmitting the culture of a certain dominant class not rooted in the popular and national cultural and linguistic reality.

This scheme, based on the analysis of the relationships between communication oral and written and cultural organizational modalities, engages a wide-ranging thematic related both to the description of present conditions and to historical precedents.

These notes, as I said, should have constituted the ground for a wider and more organic examination. This way of defining grammar does not exhaust all of its modalities.

Normative grammar equals historical grammar the same as politics equals history in a relationship of complementary necessity. Put in another way, if the intervention meant to unify the dominant class is based on real processes of popular participation that tend to overcome particularism and tend to cultural and linguistic unification, an opposition on principle to such an intervention must be considered anachronistic and reactionary.

An organized intervention will speed up the time of the already existing process. This kind of grammar acts in a much less conscious way when the speakers belong to the lower classes, whereas at the level of the upper classes it is more conscious for the speakers in terms of cultural selection.

Those who belong to the high classes, and who have the adequate cultural instruments at their disposal to develop their own rational competencies, can, instead, reach this level of competence even independently of teaching.

The contents of this notebook Lo Piparo is right 55 cannot be read without taking into account the other prison notebooks, where Gramsci develops his political thought about the modalities in which organized workers can gain power in civil society and the modalities of exercising their ruling role before their complete conquest of state power.

Lo Piparo, David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, trans. It is hard to believe that Gramsci would find time to write such an essay in , the Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 47 year in which the factories of Turin were occupied.

It has perhaps to be dated back to the year ; Leonardo Paggi, Antonio Gramsci e il moderno principe Rome: Editori Riuniti, , Guido Melis, ed.

See Melis, 44, LP1, For a different translation, see Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, trans. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Cultural Writings, ed.

William Boelhower Cambridge, Mass. SCW, SCW, 27, translation altered slightly. See Lo Piparo about the influence of Ascoli on the formation and thought of Gramsci.

Cited in Ambrosoli, Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del Carcere, four volumes, ed. Lo Piparo, 49ff. As the Soviet scholar E.

Therefore, reelaborating the methodological questions of linguistics, Gramsci does not criticize the theories of the neo-grammarians as much as the reactionary conception of the so-called idealist neo-linguists.

In reality, the picture Gramsci had of the neogrammatical method derived, above all, from the terms of the polemic set up by Bartoli.

Gramsci was not exactly aware of the fact that there was not as great a distance between the neo-linguistic and neo-grammatical method as appeared on the level of militant polemic.

Leipzig: B. For a different translation, see SCW, Hermann Paul, Principien der Sprachgeschichte, fifth ed.

Halle: Niemeyer, Strong London: wan Sonnenschein, Lowrey, Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 49 Bertoni and Bartoli, This sociolinguistic thematic is broadly explored by De Mauro; however, Gramsci is only used marginally and only quoted twice.

Principi e plebe vengono qua: Madame de Tebe le carte fa. From hearts and spades anxious mouths often ask for truth Princes and commoners come Madame of Tebe reads the cards M.

Lombardo, Madame de Tebe1 1 Today, we can understand that the relevance of the amount of space Antonio Gramsci devoted to language [linguaggio] in his historical and theoretical reflections is not only biographical or quantitative.

There is a renewed need to understand the role and the limits of this specific linguistic interest with respect to his thought taken as a whole and to understand its vitality within the scholarship.

This interest is not exclusively Italian anymore. It is shared by linguistics internationally. It is not possible to substitute a Gramsci seen as entirely devoted to books of linguistics for the Gramsci seen as a mere Marxist ideologue that dominated the old vernacular gramsciology, or for the Gramsci seen as a pure politician that one can find in recent works.

Gramsci was conscious of this experience and he reflected on it, as evident in his notes on journalism. This was an intense and original experience, as attested to by Paolo Spriano.

In this respect, his was really and 54 Tullio De Mauro literally the non-erudite philosophy of a varied and direct praxis. Gramsci writes: Manzoni asked himself: now that Italy is formed, how can the Italian language be created?

He answered: all Italians will have to speak Tuscan and the Italian state will have to recruit its elementary teachers in Tuscany.

Tuscan will be substituted for the numerous dialects spoken in the various regions and, with Italy formed, the Italian language will be formed too.

Manzoni managed to find government support and start the publication of a Novo dizionario which was supposed to contain the true Italian language.

But the Novo dizionario remained half-finished and teachers were recruited among educated people in all regions of Italy. It had transpired that a scholar of the history of the language, Graziadio Isaia Ascoli, had set some thirty pages against the hundreds of pages by Manzoni in order to demonstrate: that not even a national language can be created artificially, by order of the state; that the Italian language was being formed by itself and would be formed only in so far as the shared life of the nation gave rise to numerous and stable contacts between the various parts of the nation; that the spread of a particular language is due to the productive activity of the writings, trade and commerce of the people who speak that particular language.

With regard to this latter remark, however, it is necessary to make a twofold consideration. At this stage of his experience, Gramsci has already established, in an historical way, the terms of a certain dialectic between society and language to which he will later return.

To search for a model language is, then, to look for a motionless motion. It is not only without good reason that the most ardent supporter of this or that solution to the problem of the unity of the language [lingua] be it the adoption of a Latinate, fourteenth-century, or Florentine language, or whatever else when he comes to speak, in order to communicate his views and to make them understood, feels reluctant to apply his theories; since he senses that to substitute the Latin, fourteenth-century, or Florentine words for those of a different origin which correspond to his natural impressions, would be to falsify the genuine form of the truth; so that from being a speaker, he would become a conceited listener to himself, from a serious man, a pedant; from a sincere person, a histrionic one.

The question of the unity of language continually crops up because, as it is posed, it is insoluble, being founded on a false conception of what language is.

It is not an arsenal of beautiful finished weapons, and it is not a vocabulary, which is a collection of abstractions, that is to say, a cemetery of corpses more or less progressively updated.

We would not want, by this somewhat brusque way of cutting short the question of a model language, or of the unity of the language, to appear less than respectful to the great throng of writers, who have for centuries discussed it in Italy.

This volume, as is known, shocked Bartoli because it came close to plagiarizing him; he even recommended it to his students.

This version of the text was not changed in the subsequent editions published by Laterza. But in the first version , this passage is followed by one quoted below where Croce posited the premises for an historical rethinking of what the question of language had been.

In this earlier version, he writes with more vivacity and uses concrete and openly politico-social references, reminiscent of Pontano.

Here is the continuation of the passage quoted above from the version: [We would not want to appear less than respectful.

I will add that, in my opinion, the true problem troubling Manzoni was aesthetic and was not a problem of aesthetic science, of literature or of the theory of literature, of effective speaking and writing and not of linguistic science.

Rejecting this thesis does not mean affirming that Manzoni and his followers were working on an empty terrain. What was at stake were new impressions demanding new expressions.

Moreover, the question [of the unity of the language] that had been solved practically, remained theoretically unresolved or was badly resolved by means of the false conception that Florentine authors were the repository of the only real Italian linguistic tradition.

Anyone who speaks or writes in Italy nowadays has felt the effectiveness of the movement promoted by Manzoni; even his adversaries felt it.

As is the case. Three decades later, the linguist Alfredo Schiaffini and Antonio Gramsci find themselves far enough from those texts to consider the question of language with the detachment of the historian, in the former case in a specialized journal, Italia Dialettale [Italian Dialect], and the latter, notes written in prison.

The intention of historicizing the old question of language is present in both Gramsci and Schiaffini. They both highlight the objective components Language from Nature to History 57 of the discussions among the intelligentsia.

Moreover, as is known, the subsequent historical studies have deepened, specified, and confirmed the interpretive lines Schiaffini had enunciated.

What Gramsci attempted to elaborate in his mind during the period of his stay in Vienna and in Moscow, and during the rise of the PCI [the Italian Communist Party] was a general national Italian response to the dramatic demands of the international communist movement and of the forthcoming fascisms.

This general hypothesis can be integrated with other considerations that are more specifically connected to the questions regarding the relationships between language, nationality and classes, which have been recently and rightly pointed out by Giancarlo Schirru, a young scholar from Rome.

These questions are alive in international socialism in early s. These vital questions arise while the two great multilingual Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires are collapsing and new nationalities and languages are acquiring relevance, and while the Soviet Union starts a great alphabetization process of its population targeting the most disparate languages spoken in the country.

All these 58 Tullio De Mauro languages are transformed from being almost exclusively oral to also being written languages.

The alphabetization process occurs starting from the written languages and only later from the teaching of the Russian language. It must be noted that William McKey and Miguel Siguan, two of the major scholars of the processes of alphabetization in bilingual areas, have recently stressed, in Bilinguisme et Education [Bilingualism and Education], what I have always held: the great experience of the Soviet linguistico-scholastic politics is an exemplary one.

Thanks to these techniques history is constructed on the basis of nature. Starting from the vital natural base, human beings become historical subjects thanks to these techniques.

A chaos, i. What Gramsci wants to investigate passionately and enlighten us by teaching is the nexus and the circularity of these elements: that is, the capability of transforming raw materials into new products.

This means that, for Gramsci, the economic-productive element is interwoven with the element of invention and cultural elaboration, and both cannot subsist without being woven into the capability of linguistic elaboration and communication and with the construction of life in common in both the ethnic and national dimensions of life.

Within this circle, which is vital for individuals and society, language and linguistic conformism constitute only one link; although the circle is broken without it.

Croce, pushed by dramatic theoretically external factors of the fight against the obtuse savagery of fascism and Nazism, will follow Gramsci along this path, even though much later.

The latter is always a political act and, if adequate, leads to the constitution of more or less temporary written national languages. Whereas one can observe a neverending mobility of immanent grammars in Saussure, even though concealed by the apparent inertness of written languages with respect to the vital and primary self-making and -unmaking of spoken langue; one can observe a neverending mobility of political situations and of the political effects springing out of the constitution of relatively inert written languages, which emerge by historic-political necessity from the mobile dynamics related to the permanent innovativeness of speaking.

It is not correct to say that these discussions were useless and have not left traces in modern culture, even if the traces are modest.

Over the Language from Nature to History 61 last century a unified culture has in fact been extended, and therefore also a common unified language.

But the entire historical formation of the Italian nation moved at too slow a pace. Today, as I was recalling at the beginning of this piece, these questions are being translated into other languages and appear to have a broader attraction for those who work in the educative dimension or attend to theoretical studies on language and culture: like the tongue in cheek refrain, which Gramsci loved, Princes and people come: Madame of Tebe reads the cards.

Quoted in M. Harro Stammerjohann, ed. Croce, Tesi Fondamentali, See Croce, The Aesthetic, Translation altered.

There is a radical rupture with the tradition of positivist and neo-grammatical tradition in this metaphor, in a historical moment of both very dense theoretical and meta-theoretical reflection, where linguistics starts to constitute itself as science, while including itself in the class of the semiological disciplines.

For the neo-grammarians, in fact, the society-language pair, though ever reaffirmed, did not go beyond the borders of a conventional and, therefore, a substantially static relationship.

In this relationship, languages, as given entities, are placed alongside human communities, which nominally and mechanically signify them.

This collectivity is the real historical agent that continuously establishes, disaggregates and reaggregates, the functional relationship of value within the linguistic system through social practices, in which the infinite individual linguistic acts paroles intertwine.

It can even seem odd rereading certain pages of the Course that, to some materialistically oriented authoritative scholars, the lesson of the master from Geneva may have appeared tarnished by idealistic abstractness.

The living world of historico-natural languages fades into a neutral balance of calculations. The dialectical nature of the relationship individuals-society parolelanguage[lingua] , which Saussure viewed as an always opened weaving between regularities and infractions and of innovation and conformism,4 is destroyed and flattened on the level of abstract competence, which must be presupposed as innate in the biological sense, in order to assure communication.

In this way, however, both Noam Chomsky and his followers went back to that kind of despised empiricism which some had wanted to free linguistic science from forever.

It seems to me, however, that one can find a rather interesting politico-cultural problem in the backdrop of these theoretical phenomena.

Yet one can well suspect that Chomsky remains fully within the ideological schemes of the traditional separation of the intellectual from society, despite the merits he acquired through his generous democratic and anti-imperialist struggle.

On the other hand, the academic profession of a linguist is removed from social tensions in principle. For Chomsky, the formal aspect of theory and the isolated condition of the American intellectual truly seem to come together and designate in their own way, a less than brief epoch of the culture of linguistics in these years.

The Chomskian revolution consisted in what has been said above, socially and theoretically. This is not the place to recall the intoxication of scientism and formalism that this revolution has brought not only to the United States, but also to some European universities, including Italian ones.

Moreover, many European universities and some of the Italian ones that were intoxicated by this linguistic formalism and by scientism, while looking for mediations with other cultural currents, have not succeeded in overcoming the perfect and yet unacceptable rigor of the American master.

Yet the situation is clearly changing today. It is vital that we focus on two of these points. The various imprints of objectivism and organicism characterize not only linguistic structuralism, but, among other things, many of its transpositions in the arena of literary criticism derived from this theoretical equivocation.

It is impossible to determine what the structure of a language is without broaching the question how that structure functions, since language has no structure independent of the process.

I am alluding to his proposal of substantially reformulating linguistics as a branch of psychology. The volume Per Saussure contro Saussure17 [For Saussure against Saussure], by Annibale Elia, can be useful to broaden the horizon and clarify the contorted cultural itinerary of the linguistic sciences in this century.

The theoretical value of these two instances is certainly very different, but the results that each of them achieves are not dissimilar.

After all, the project of the GGT brings to its extreme consequences the goal that characterized various sectors of language research, not solely the American.

In different spheres, linguistic theories have run across the uncomfortable world of social phenomena.

But this is not the point. In other words, the nature of language is intrinsically informal, specifically, social and manipulative.

To tighten the various separate and wandering threads of this discussion, we will use the assistance of the important work, Lingua, Intellettuali, Egemonia in Gramsci28 [Language, Intellectuals, Hegemony in Gramsci] by Franco Lo Piparo, with an engaging preface by Tullio De Mauro.

In this essay the object of analysis is pushed back or rather qualitatively modified. The object does not concern university professors, but a politician and great intellectual [Antonio Gramsci]: a theoretician and strategist of the proletarian revolution in the West.

What is the meaning, or meanings, of this type of change of analysis? Language appears as the real terrain where civil and political society intersect, as the site of socialization or separation of experiences, knowledge and needs.

Likewise, language appears as the decisive dimension of politico-cultural stratification of the class system that crosses and defines the ways of thinking and feeling of entire populations from common sense to scientific theories of reality.

In this way, Lo Piparo both connects the case of Gramsci in the contemporary theoretical dispute, which is internal to linguistic sciences, and launches it again into the more complex historico-political debate, which, for several years, has characterized the reflections of Marxists in and outside of Italy.

Lo Piparo reconstructs with great care the materials that Gramsci certainly read and those that he probably read. This is how Lo Piparo puts the synthesis: A solid theoretical chain in which every link that is necessary is formed by the theoretical and methodological study of comparative linguistics i.

The same problem is at stake in all four topics: how a nation-people-state is formed and organized and what invisible threads give rise to and unite it.

Yet maybe Lo Piparo did not develop some possibilities that his analysis opened. This is partly due to the specific delimitation of his project.

The notion of hegemony must always be considered in relation to the background only of what, according to me, is decisive for a man like Gramsci, namely, that he is first of all a political leader.

A propos, what must be taken into account is the concrete historical situation Gramsci faced, the immense structural and institutional transformations of the s and s together with the rise of state capitalism, the new articulations coming to light within the range of the intellectual functions, Linguistics and the Political Question of Language 73 and the necessity to elevate at these levels the struggle of the communists.

The notion of hegemony progressively acquires more and more definition within this situation, namely, in a very complex weave of historical analysis, theoretical reflection, and revolutionary planning.

He argued that Leninism taught the leader of the Italian working class the full primacy of politics, which was a decisive theoretico-practical direction for the Italian working class that had been closed in the impasse occurring between Reformism and Maximalism.

What has been learned after Gramsci on some points should also be stressed. Therefore, Gramsci sees the dialects as destined to be overcome by the national language during its expansive stage that will occur within an overall politico-cultural rise of the working classes.

Today, after the experiences of this century, we regard the question of dialects in a different fashion, both at the politico-institutional and at the scholastic level.

There is a growing possibility of the consolidation of the dialects and of cultural expansion that would be part of a conquest of the major means of communication and of culture, and therefore, above all, of a national language even today only 25 percent of the Italians claim to always use the Italian language in and outside their homes.

The second implication concerns a more theoretical level. Classic names can be listed again like Saussure; the great Soviet psychologist, Lev S.

They provide the trajectory of work in which Gramsci has the place of a master who tends to place the reflection on language in the perspective of an intrinsically critical and sociohistorical science.

It is also valuable to the extent that it presents an object of political analysis and an objective to work on.

I believe that this leads to a stagnation of our capabilities to relate to reality and therefore to transform it.

Thus, what Gramsci writes in a crucial moment of his reflection in prison should be reread. Linguistics and the Political Question of Language 77 2.

Tullio De Mauro Bari: Laterza, Ferdinand de Saussure, Course in General Linguistics, ed. Charles Bally and Albert Sechehaye, trans.

Chomsky, Intervista, Bruce L. The citations are from K. See the classical work by C. Shannon and W. Derwing, Skinner, Verbal Behavior, now included in the reading of F.

Antinucci and C. An instance of the importance of the psychological ground for linguistic facts should be noted in the work of a great student of Vygotskij, A.

Trubetzkoy, Principles of Phonology, trans. Elia, Labov, Simone and G. Ruggiero Rome: Bulzoni, The contributions by Luigi Rosiello are, among these exceptions, of particular relevance.

His first one was delivered at the Conference on Gramsci in Valentino Gerratana Turin: Einaudi, , ff.

See, for example, R. Its goal is to create class environments where reciprocal listening and authentic communication between children and teachers can occur, in order to promote global development.

Among the founders and members of the MCE were teachers and educators like: G. Tamagnini, A.

Fantini, A. Pettini, E. Codignola and later B. Ciari, M. Lodi and many others see www. The CIDI is an association of teachers from all kinds and levels of schools and disciplines that works to reform the education system.

Its objective is to realize a democratic school attentive to the cultural needs of the students see www. See also E.

Stefano Gensini and M. The data on literacy that I cited i. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Prison Notebooks, ed. Like all cultural approaches, they meet the suspicion of displacing the primacy of the social question.

Reprinted with the kind permission of the publishing house. Translated by Peter Thomas. This discursive constellation can be traced back to the First International: political reflection or the attempt to elaborate its scientific-analytical foundation was at that time determined by the reaction to romantic-lyrical nationalism, above all in student circles, which sought a point of departure for a new political organization in linguistic criteria.

Here, Marx recognized a relative dead weight of cultural organizational forms. In the case of the Irish question, this even provoked him to an outburst of free trade dogma.

At the same time, analysis of the real difficulties of political-revolutionary undertakings above all, consideration of the Paris Commune led him to pose concrete political organization as an important question.

In the Second International, questions of culture moved into the foreground. However, they were always posed with a view to the world revolution: in the meantime, mobilizing as well as hindering cultural factors, including linguistic differences, were to be accommodated.

What one finds here are rather helpless recourses to citations from the classics with more or less moral-opportunistic concessions on the organizational-strategic level.

Gramsci brought particular presuppositions to this undertaking. He could thus treat his analytical undertaking as a working out of his own subjective contradictions.

His remarks must therefore be read in their particular context and should not be used as familiar quotations.

Until the very end, he had a plan for a historical-linguistic sociological presentation of Sardinian. The pedagogical discussion of the late nineteenth century, however, knew better: even if it usually did not put in question the high or literary languages high German, high French, etc.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, these methodological considerations were extended with the methodology of comparative linguistics and in particular their application to linguistic geography.

On the side of the linguists, Graziadio Isaia Ascoli took up a position that brought to bear for Italy what were then the leading developments of German linguistics neo-grammarians.

In opposition, Ascoli provided a consistent linguisticsociological argumentation. He showed that behind and within the question of the choice of the linguistic form there was the social problem of the socialization of education, in the foreground of which was the literacy of the great popular masses.

Looking to historical development in Germany, Ascoli propagated literacy on the basis of the spontaneous language of the learner.

He began from the supposition that becoming literate for example, in a dialect could be carried over to another language the national language unproblematically, because he saw in general the elaboration of a normative literary language as the endpoint of such a development.

Linguistic relations in Italy are distinguished by the extreme dialectal oppositions between north and south.

Finally, the prestige-charged Tuscan literary dialect, in the wake of Dante and completely detached from the development of linguistic relations, functions as an additional factor hindering a national development, because reference to it explicitly excluded the real social centers of Rome and the north Italian industrial zones from the high cultural horizon.

This confused cultural situation correlated with one of the highest rates of illiteracy in Europe. In the s, language pedagogy finally officially changed to the use of the dialectal resources of the students.

Linguistic form must be created after and then further developed in a creative process. He knew these problems as lived problems; this disrupts the extent of his Croceanism from the beginning.

As a Sardinian who had to make his career in Italy at the expense of his own language, he had to live out these tensions himself.

Stimulated by his teacher, Bartoli, he made it the object of his early scientific work his early letters home to his family in Sardinia contain detailed questions regarding his home dialect.

Time and again he interspersed Sardinian expressions in these letters: whether in an excurse about dialect names for lizards in a letter to Tatiana June 2, ; as intimate greetings to his son, Giuliano; but above all in the letters to his mother or those that are related to his mother, particularly her culinary specialties.

These letters, which were after all 86 Utz Maas written as texts for readers, have in this regard perhaps a heavier weight than the notes in the Prison Notebooks.

He prided himself on having rehearsed Sardinian songs with his son, Delio. In the same letter to Teresina of March 26, , he disapproved of his niece, Edmea, for not being able to speak Sardinian unlike his nephews.

In certain aspects, these practical problems of the International were reflected in the abstract way in which linguistic questions were articulated in programmatic expressions.

These projects were nurtured by a multiplicity of projects for an international language, among which Esperanto was only one. In the Roman federations such efforts had a certain significance; Gramsci also had to deal with them in his Turin section.

In a polemical article of against the Esperanto movement, he explicitly makes recourse to the authority of linguistics.

This can only be a formal state instrument of oppression Gramsci takes aim here explicitly at purist attempts to exclude the variety of dialects.

Here there is also the notion of language as expression of lived experiences, already noted above. Instead of making the linguistic form an ostensible problem, it must be a case of building up a new culture that entails a correspondingly new language.

However, Gramsci displaces the problem not simply from the ostensible formal debate to the underlying social question.

Rather, he is interested in the cultural determinations lying in the linguistic form. He continued this interest also in prison.

The continuity of his thoughts, but also the clarity he gained, is demonstrated when, for example, he writes in Notebook Someone who only speaks dialect, or understands the standard language incompletely, necessarily has an intuition of the world which is more or less limited and provincial, which is fossilised and anachronistic in relation to the major currents of thought which dominate world history.

Universal in this sense, however, does not mean formally the same for all. Culture is for Gramsci in this sense linked to linguistic translatability, which for him, to a certain extent, by definition only occurs between national languages, related to the universal contents that are articulated in culturally specific forms.

For the dialects, as symbolic expression of particular cultural praxes, that is excluded. In order to do this he uses the vitalizing terms of lived praxis: the life of language and organic cohesion.

The linguistic-political question was presented to him not as a decision between competing linguistic forms or varieties, but rather as work on the language, as working out of the potential of spontaneous linguistic forms and thus at the same time as their valorization.

The dialect is not to be repressed, but also not to be jumped over. The elaboration of language is therefore for him necessarily linked to the socialist social project.

Lived experience is the necessary point of departure for any educational work and thus also for any linguistic work.

Rendering coherent spontaneous philosophy, the philosophy of the nonphilosophers, can only succeed through objectivization in language [linguaggio].

This is the reason for the close linkage of language and writing, in opposition to dialects: the communal praxis of oral conversation is embedded in the flux of the immediate happening, of the interactive constellation.

Only through the objectivization of language in writing do the heterogeneous moments become comprehensible and linguistic critique becomes accessible.

Praxis necessarily contains moments that exceed its externally determined organization in the reproduction process; liberated praxis develops these surplus moments.

They are thus pressured into forms of self-organization thus also to a transformation of the language praxis on the job , which tendentiously increases their access to moments of the social organization of labor.

They become intellectuals, who shape the forms of labor organization in employment itself: liberation of labor, valorization of labor as intellectual and liberation of language constitute a situation whose realization is only possible in communism.

Nevertheless, we still should not expect to find a closed theoretical system. One must work out his linguistic theory to a certain extent against the written word.

In this context, language praxis spoken language becomes comprehensible as an exceptional moment. Labor is determined by, respectively, the relations of production and the culture linked with them.

In a very optimistic argument that sounds like something from the Proletkult, Gramsci comprehends the development of capitalism as an increasing displacement of organizing activities into production itself.

Capitalist property and domination relations, however, in the end prevent the realization of the free disposal of intelligence in the production process, because the state power apparatus secures external determination in production; the final liberation of labor is therefore only possible as a form of liberated living together he speaks expressly of convivenza umana 36 in communist society.

Intelligence stands here against the purely instrumental dimensions of the labor process operare tecnicamente, industrialmente , for the moment of autonomy.

In the later works, Gramsci then grasped the analysis of the industrial labor process more realistically and defined the analytic concept of intelligence more exactly.

Where this is externally determined, the potential of the language is reduced to the more or less ritualized reproduction of forms of intercourse.

It is otherwise if the relations are not reproduced behind the backs of the subjects, but are instead controlled by them.

A symbolic control is then particularly necessary, if, as in more developed social forms with a developed social division of labor, the relations are not immediately manageable, but only become accessible through a symbolic synthesis.

But when the categories of language praxis are developed, they exhibit a symbolic excess over the functional finalizations, which can be used for the making sense and ascertainment of the goals of action.

This process is repeated in a more potent form with writing, which is similarly learned in communicative relationships and thus is perhaps also socially developed , which, however, has potentials for the development of processes of meaning that are free, released from the communicative stress of interaction.

Not by chance, Gramsci linked discussion of the developed language to writing in the binomian formula alphabet and language [linguaggio].

They are only to be taken in regard to his analysis of the intellectuals in which he clarifies in particular the relation of analytical and empirical concepts.

He thus turns, more or less explicitly, against any type of economistic reduction of consciousness and emphasizes the relative autonomy of the linguistic problematic.

He defines here the social function of intellectuals as social cement [soziales Bindemittel] collegamento organico. As a social group, the intellectuals are related to their social environment, embedded in the noncontemporaneous development of society.

They thus stabilize in the first instance the dominant relations of the great landowners. The left intellectuals in the large cities of the industrialized north, on the other hand, are organically linked to the emancipatory struggles of the working class.

The social function of intellectuals thus results from how they act upon social oppositions of interests. Here the empirical concept overlaps with the analytical one.

The task of left intelligence is to disarticulate the ruling discursive structures that guarantee the reproduction of relations, that is, to undertake an educational work that rearticulates these discursive structures in the perspective of social transformation.

The role of intellectuals in an analytical sense is thus determined by their key function in the development of linguistic potential.

Such an intellectual helps a language representation to achieve social validity, based upon aesthetic virtuosity in dealing with the complex norms of the school language.

For the majority of the population, however, these are founded in the obligatory school confrontation with the inferiority problems that were traumatic for them, and are the basis for the meritocratic consensus of social reproduction.

It is aimed against the existence of a particular layer of professional purveyors of sense. Its goal is the reappropriation of intellectuals and thus also language by the producers themselves.

That makes him extraordinarily contemporary, not only due to the alreadyinitially noted continuity of objective problems. What is lost in this emotionally charged opposition is that which Gramsci had worked out in his continual confrontation with the contradictions of his own early position: that linguistic reflection should be related to the potentials of humans, to the possibilities of an educational work that leads to the liberation of labor and thus to the liberation of language.

In Italy, Gramsci has since become one of the standard references in linguistic-sociological discussion: cf.

In the German Democratic Republic [East Germany], Klaus Bochmann has now created the preconditions for linguistic work on Gramsci: on the one hand, with his selected volume ; on the other hand, with the organization of a conference on Gramsci in Leipzig in see my conference report in Das Argument, Heft : I am also grateful to Michale Bommes for critical remarks on a first version of the manuscript.

Gramsci the Linguist 95 2. This is not the place to trace the history of political reflections on language, which is still to be written.

Extensive references here are therefore unnecessary. In the labor movement the obvious parallel is Engels, who, as an autodidact, reaped the harvest of the philology of his day in an extraordinarily capable manner: he applied his knowledge not only to the Plattdeutsch relations he knew where his original linguistic-sociological considerations today are being rediscovered , but also in relation to the Irish, in order to undertake foundational studies for daily political interventions.

The parallel of Engels and Gramsci would be an attractive object of investigation. Rein Langensalza: H. Grassi Turin: Einaudi De Mauro, Storia Linguistica.

On this late development, particularly in fascism and the volte-face of fascist language politics, see Gabriella Klein, La Politica Linguistica del Fascismo Bologna: Il Mulino, In general, the pedagogical concept of Lombardo Radice was expressly oriented to Croce, who was also a central reference for Gramsci.

The parallels between the linguistic politics of Italian and German fascism would be worth its own investigation, since the analogies highlighted by Klein need to be differentiated.

In at least the first phase of stabilization of its domination, German fascism integrated at least the functionaries of the corresponding organizations successfully with policies that allowed the autochthonous language forms to be used.

See Giansiro Ferrata and Nicolo Gallo, eds. See also the undated letter Ferrata and Gallo, LP, Wade Baskin Glasgow: Collins, , In his argumentation Gramsci notably agrees with contemporaneous discussion in Soviet linguistics that was similarly confronted by the problem of mass literacy and the unification of a national language.

There is, however, no evidence that he had knowledge of the works of Voloshinov, Polivanov and others. Gramsci, Scritti Giovanili, 81ff.

A great culture can be translated into the language of another great culture, that is to say a great national language with historic richness and complexity, and it can translate any other great culture and can be a worldwide means of expression.

In this sense Gramsci is also consistent in practical questions of agitation: against any form of populism, he insists that agitation in fact must be uncompromising and consequently also difficult.

Gramsci would certainly have approved of such an enterprise. SPW1, Notebook It is at any rate notable that the same emphatic formulations about intellectuals occur in completely different contexts and certainly without knowledge of Gramsci , namely in Victor Klemperer.

SWP2, ff. Also here, Gramsci operates explicitly as a linguist. Above all, he makes clear here that the reference for language analysis lies in the articulated experiences, not in the linguistic form: thus he refers to the fact that the same song that Sardinian soldiers had sung before and after their deployment against striking Turin workers was charged with entirely different meanings due to their experiences in the confrontation SPW2, ff.

Godelier puts the accent on the real use-value of the thus monopolized intelligence for the masses, whose life-level is immediately linked to this organizing achievement.

Gramsci the Linguist 99 Italian fascism carried on the pro-dialect pedagogy until In Germany, the change in cultural politics came about due to the pragmatic necessities of the strengthened centralism of the war economy.

This is arguably similar to Italy, where the synchronization with the increase of German influence is surely not accidental.

As he says, in a Gramscian sense [senso gramsciano], Pier Paolo Pasolini, Freibeuterschriften, trans. Thomas Eisenhardt Berlin: Wagenbach, , Pier Paolo Pasolini, Ketzererfahrungen, trans.

Reimar Klein Munich: Hanser, , Gramsci repeatedly posits the question of languages and asks himself if reaching a universal language is possible.

Two things seem very clear to me. For Gramsci, the fundamental content of the philosophy of praxis and of historical materialism certainly means the end of, and the overcoming of, class struggles, and the advent of communism.

This is not something we believe today, but Gramsci believed it. Gramsci meant it to be a cultural unity, in the sense that the day in which class perspective will come to an end, there will not be conflicting cultural multiplicities anymore.

He knew what it was not, although he was cautious enough not to pretend to know what it was to be. Gramsci observes that there exists a case of universal artificial language, namely, mathematics.

Sciences have the advantage of prefiguring in some way the future linguistic unification of humankind. In mathematics all humans communicate: it is the only universal language.

Language is an instrument for interexchange, communication and, at the same time, for creating identities. Therefore, language has, on the one hand, an internal and cohesive function, and on the other, a communicative and very open use.

If I were asked whether he assesses these two aspects of language as equivalent or if he has a different take on their roles, without a doubt, I would answer that Gramsci proposes an unbalanced view, sharply in favor of the communicative one.

A parallel or cautious analogy could be drawn between how Giacomo Leopardi writes the entire Zibaldone and Gramsci writes the Notebooks.

He had a truly obsessive idea about any fetishism or ideology conceived as false consciousness of words. Words are not things.

They go through a perpetual transformation in which communication is always, in some way, precarious, namely exposed to misunderstanding, and full of consequences because to say is truly to do.

From Lenin or from Ascoli? This question became a standard debate. This is not to say that Lo Piparo is wrong if it is demonstrated that hegemony comes from Lenin and that Leninists are right.

On this matter I should intervene almost for family reasons. A given symmetry exists and can be fertile for further developments, but it does not allow just making two things overlap onto each other.

In this case, we are dealing with elements that reinforce each other. Gramsci is a linguist, yes, but a linguist who is very conscious of what the question of language means; as one of his famous propositions says, language is immediately connected to other questions.

Which ones? Gramsci himself does partly provide some of them, but, perhaps, it could be said that the question of language is somewhat connected to all other questions.

We get to one of the principal theories of culture, in a strong sense of this word, conceived as a global attempt to grasp the concrete historical-social existence of humans as it appears in light of historical materialism.

What Gramsci is interested in is intellectual and moral reform. This cultural reform means reform of the concrete way humans exist. This is what Gramsci aims to achieve when he claims that every language question is connected, internally, not externally, to other questions.

This is at the base of the apparently unstructured structure of the Notebooks when they are compared to certain ideals of how a work should be constructed.

He stresses immediately that it is not possible to shift continuously from one thing to another. Edoardo Sanguineti is a poet, writer, scholar and translator, one of the major intellectuals in Italy today.

He was born in Genova, on December 9, The Zibaldone is a massive 4, pages, written between and , in which Leopardi would write notes, observations, thoughts amd memories, mainly concerning philosophical, literary, linguistic and political topics.

The Zibaldone as well as the Prison Notebooks were not conceived as books. Un caso: A. The relatively few pages of the prison writings in the Notebooks that Gramsci dedicates explicitly to translatability are, paradoxically, among those that have given most problems to the translator.

The present writer is not alone among translators of Gramsci in having experienced these difficulties. There is an explicit comment in Notebook 10 on the close connection between his concept of translatability, explained in Notebook 11, and the writings contained in Notebook 10, almost exclusively devoted to the philosophy of Benedetto Croce, the dominant figure in Italian idealist philosophy in the first half of the twentieth century.

It is, however, to be noted that for Gramsci language and culture are always very closely intertwined, a national language being the expression of a national culture, and for him the two become near-synonyms.

Probably in one way the substance does not change much but, when he comes to group together the various C-texts on translatability, he seems to be wanting to give greater rigor to his argument, proceeding logically one step after the other rather than with simple affirmations.

At this point, he seems to distinguish between two forms of translatability, a first and more restricted type which, however, still connects up with the same set or series as the examples discussed by Marx, which represent the second, more general, form of translatability.

One factor that seems to have influenced Gramsci between the earlier and later versions of this is his reasoning on the language of Machiavelli, someone for whose intellect and paradigmatic discourse he had the highest respect and took very seriously.

It is not a question of merely translating terms and concepts belonging to the same subject matter, but first of all recognizing that two different subjects, political theory and economics, can have fundamentally equivalent postulates, can be mutually comparable and in consequence can be reciprocally translatable, due consideration being given to the different eras and events of the countries considered.

We are here, it appears, at a halfway house, between a narrower view of translation and the more general one. Yet further evidence of a change in perspective comes from another difference in the wording used.

As a hypothesis, it seems in the A-text that Gramsci judges the translatability of two cultures as metaphorical, when compared with the similar operation between two natural languages, whereas in the C-text, there is full recognition of the reciprocal translatability between civilizations, of their reducibility of one to the other.

One could say in a sense that the philosophy of praxis equals Hegel plus David Ricardo. During the s, there is a striking example probably not known to Gramsci.

Quantum mechanics, then a newborn branch of physics, gave rise to the two different formulations, wave mechanics and matrix mechanics, which both described, in different formal mathematical languages, the same reality.

This comes out strongly in the main group of paragraphs on the subject of translatability. Four Czech Folk Songs, George F. Welsh Folk Song: All through the Night, Samuel A.

Scottish Folk Song: Loch Lomond, American Folk Song: My Bonnie, Singing Game: The Mulberry Bush, Traditional: The Animal Fair, Basses-danses; 2.

Tourdions; 3. Branles doubles; 4. Branles simples; 5. Branles gays; 6. Branles de Bourgogne; 7. Pavanes; 8.

First Position 1. XXVIIb:1 ; Fernando SOR: Andante; Ich hatt'einem Kameraden Kalke ; 6. Es kommt die Nacht Kalke ; 7.

Anthony Chorale; Tuin van Eros, 2. Two String Quartets 1. Seed I, 2. Seed II and an Octet 3. Salve Regina, 2.

Volume 1: Four Duets BI. Noten lesen und schreiben. Musikalische und rhythmische Grundbegriffe.

Legato, Non legato, 3. Portato, 4. Staccato, 5. Gemischte Artikulation; II. Systematisches Training der Fingertechnik: 1. Weitere wichtige Verbindungen, 5.

Der kurze Vorschlag, 2. Der Doppelschlag, 3. Der mehrnotige Vorschlag, 4. Der Pralltriller, 5. Trompete lernen mit Fantasie.

Gammes et articulations, 2. La triple croche, 4. Les nottes graves, Les liasons, Le sol aigu do en ut , La gamme de mi majeur la majeur en u , La transposition en la, Valses et marches, Bulgarian Bounce, 2.

Cancan, 3. Bossa Nova, 4. Interlude, 5. Ballet on Point, 6. Marionette, Studie 1, Wild Dances, Preliminary Studies; II.

Intermediate Studies; III. Advanced Studies; IV. Intervals; V. Arpeggios; VI. A New Anthology 1. Taranta, 5. Tozyanse, 6. Stretch, 2. Once Upon A Dream, 2.

The Bare Necessities, 3. Candle On The Water, 4. Chim Chim Cher-ee, 5. He's A Tramp, 7. It's A Small World, 8.

Mickey Mouse March, 9. Under The Sea, The Boys Are Back, 2. Can I Have This Dance, 3. High School Musical, 4.

I Want It All, 5. Just Wanna Be with You, 6. A Night to Remember, 7. Now or Never, 8. Right Here Right Now, 9. Scream, Walk Away, James Bond Playalong for Flute: 10 Songs in melody arrangements with specially recorded backing tracks 1.

The Name's Bond Amazing Grace, 2. Aura Lee, 3. Darlin', 4. Every Night, 5. Git Along Little Dogies, 6. Little Brown Jug, 7. Locks And Bolts, 8.

Love Is Pleasin', 9. Morning Has Broken, Old Joe Clark, Polly Williams, Pretty Saro, Red River Valley, Shaker Blessing, Shenandoah, Sweet Betsy From Pike, The Bad Girl, The Bear In The Hill, The Dear Companion, The Farmer's Curst Wife, The House Carpenter, The Lane County Bachelor, The Nightingale, The Pinery Boy, The Rose Of Alabamy, The Streets Of Laredo, The Two Sisters, The Water Is 16,50 16,50 19,15 23 Wide, The Wife Of Usher's Well, Wayfaring Stranger, Who Killed Cock Robin?

Playalong for Flute 1. All My Loving [Beatles, The], 2. Ave Maria [Schubert, Franz], 3. Baker Street [Rafferty, Gerry], 4.

Beautiful [Aguilera, Christina], 5. Brown Eyed Girl [Van Morrison], 6. I Got Rhythm [Gershwin, George], Licence To Kill [Knight, Gladys], Run [Lewis, Leona], Somewhere Only We Know [Keane], Yellow [Coldplay], Sheebeg and Sheemore, 3.

Buachaill On Eirne, 7. James Bond Playalong for Clarinet: 10 Songs in melody arrangements with specially recorded backing tracks 1.

Playalong for Clarinet 1. Contemporary Sax Styles. By The Super Grooves. Featuring Frank Villafranca sax and Andrew D.

These stylistic influences are frequently associated with smooth jazz. James Bond Playalong for Saxophone: 10 Songs in melody arrangements with specially recorded backing tracks 1.

Playalong for Saxophone 1. Litrtle Overture, 2. Berceuse, 3. March of the Toy Soldiers, 4. Air and Variations, 5. Chicago 22,00 22,00 22,00 19,00 27 Blues, 6.

Moto perpetuo, 7. Song of Farewell, 8. Promenade, 9. September Song, Bb or B. Menuet in C major HWV, 2. Polonaise No. Theme from the Piano Sonata in A major K , Moment musical Nr.

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XVI:1, 4, 5, 7, 2. Menuett Hob. IX:3, Nr. Trio Hob. XVI, 4. Menuett und 2 Trios aus "6 leichte Menuette, 5. Trios, 6. Menuett aus "12 Menuette" Hob.

IX, Nr. Courtly Gossip, 2. Wanderers, 3. Are We in Tune? Spring Dance, 3. In the Cathedral, 4. Norwegian Morning, 5. March of the Mice, 6.

Evening Song, 7. Forward March, 8. Russian Mood, 9. Nordic Saga, Pardon Me? At the Fair, Minor Melody, The Music Box, Pogo Sticks, Ukrainian Dance, Airs and Graces, Hoedown, Take Your Partners, Gypsy Dong, In a Gondola, Back to the Start, Classical Theme, Summer Sonatina, Austrian Polka, In the Urals, Two Together, At Home, On the Carousel, The Spice of Life, Wonderland Waltz, Masque, Monday Minuet, The Pied Piper, Serious Study, Two-Part Invention, Hungarian Dance, Swiss Air, Ah, this Parting will slay me!

Waltz; 2. Rain; 3. Hippo Waltz; 4. Cha-Cha-Cha; 5. Blues; 6. Chicken Dance; 7. The Mermaid; 8.

March of the Fleas; 9. Neapolitan Song; Mazurka; Calypso; The Little Lamb; Caravan; Cobra-Tango; Flatfooted; The Ferryman's Song; Gangster-Tango; Butterflies; Dance; Immortelle moderate ; 2.

Presto moderate ; 3. Gigue difficult ; 4. Scherzo difficult ; 5. Aus Zu zweien durch den Tonkreis: 1. Marsch, 2. Munter, 3.

Fanfare I, 4. Leicht beschwingt, 5. Schnell, 6. Fugato, 7. Leichthin, 9. Munter, Gigue, Sehr geschwind, Fanfare II easy to moderate ; 6.

Aus vier Arietten Kanon easy ; 7. Aus Triludi: 1. Signal, 3. Rondo, 4. Kanon, 7. Mobile, Marsch easy ; 8. Aus Trio: Allegro grazioso difficult ; 9.

Ain't Misbehavin', 2. All The Things You Are, 3. Hello, Young Lovers, 4. Oh, What A Beautiful Mornin', 6. The Sound Of Music, 7. Come Rain Or Come Shine, 8.

I'll Be Seeing You, 9. Skylark, Smoke Gets In Your Eyes, The Song Is You, This Nearly Was Mine, Hungarian Dance No. Marche Funebre from Sonata Op.

Minuet from String Quintet Op. Ode To Joy from Symphony No. Piano Concerto No. Rondeau from Symphonic Suite No. Second Movement from Symphony No.

The Happy Farmer Op. Susato: Danserye, ; 3. Attaingnant: Dix huit basses dances, ; 5. Por Jesus Benites R. Pepita, 2.

Divagacion, 3. Armonias de America, 4. Cordoba, 5. Estudio en Sol menor, 6. Maxixe, 7. Vidalita, 8. Don Perez Freire, 9. A mi madre Sonatina , Minueto en Sol, Moonlight Claro de Luna , Preludio No.

Hoochy Blues, 3. Yes We Can, 6. Got Soul, One Trick Blues, Come a Cropper, The Bluesman Cometh, Blues For Ennnio, Attack Of The Walking Chords, Just Us.

Licks, Tricks, Tones, and Tips for the Aspiring Lead Guitarist [Explores a variety of improvisational concepts and techniques, backed up with fingering patterns, exercises, and lick examples galore.

In addition, each chapter includes several extended solos in the styles of rock, blues, funk, jazz, and country based entirely on the techniques brought forth in each lesson.

Furthermore, each chapter features Quick Theory Tutorials that you can refer to if you need to brush up on your music theory.

You'll also find a section called Tone Tips that precedes each solo. Here you get suggestions for guitar, amp, and effects settings.

Classic Songs from the Early Years. Melody Line and Chord Symbols. Standard Notation and TAB 1. Anthem, 2. Closer to the Heart, 3.

The Spirit of Radio, 4. The Temples of Syrinx, 5. Tom Sawyer, 6. The Alphabet Song, 2. The Animal Fair, 3. A-Tiskit, A-Tasket, 4. Black Sheep, 5.

The Big Rock Candy Mountain, 6. B-I-N-G-O, 7. Black-Eyed Susie, 8. The Bold Fisherman, 9. Chime Again, Beautiful Bells, Cindy, Colinbda, The Cuckoo, The Fairy Ship, The Farmer, The Farmer in the Dell, The Fox, Free Little Bird, German Cradle Song, The Glendy Burk, Goober Peas, Goodnightt, Ladies, Green Corn, Green Grass Grew All Around, How Old Are You?

Humpty Dumpty, This Itsy-Bitsy Spider, Jenny Jenkins, Jenny Jones, John Jacob Jingleheimer Schmidt, Johnny Get Your Haircut, Juanita, The King of France, Lazy Mary, Lightly Row, Listen to the Mockingbird, The Little Lamb, The Little Old Sod Shanty, London Bridge, Looby Loo, Mary Wore Her Red Dress, The Muffin Man, The Mulberry Bush, Nelly Bly, Oats, Peas, Beans, and Barley Grow, Susanna, Old Abe Lincoln Came out of the Wilderness, Old Blue, The Old Chisholm Trail, Old Dan Tucker, Old McDonald Had a Farm, Old Rattler, Old Smoky, Over the River and Through the Woods, Paper of Pins, Pick a Bale of Cotton, The Pine Tree, Polly, Put the Kettle On, Polly Wolly Doodle, Railroad Bill, Reuben and Rachel, The Riddle Song, Ring Around a Rosy, Robinson Crusoe, Rock-ABye Baby E.

Rock That Cradle, Lucy, Rond and Round the Village, Sally Goodin, Sandy Land, Shoo Fly, Sing a Song of Sixpence, Sing Song Kitty, Sleep, Baby, Sleep!

Slumber Song, The Sow Took the Measles, Suzanna Gal, Ten Little Kangaroes, Three Little Kittens, Three Sight-Challenged Mice, Tirra-Lirra-Lirra, Welcome to Spring, What Can the Matter Be?

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Deshalb hier Bischoffswerda. Deshalb die Tatjana Meissner Kinder Wenn Sie diese Zeit nutzen, haben Sie Note: Each composition, or set of pieces, as the composer may choose, is called an opus, and they are numbered in the order of their issue.

Often abbrev. Defined in "Elson's Music Dictionary" as, "a form of musical composition evolved shortly before , by some enthusiastic Florentine amateurs who sought to bring back the Greek plays to the modern stage.

People do not sing when they are feeling sensible. Auden, ]As a branch of dramatic art, it is attested from First record of opera glass "small binoculars for use at the theater" is from Soap opera is first recorded , as a disparaging reference to daytime radio dramas sponsored by soap manufacturers.

It is located at the end of the Avenue de l'Opera, one of the accesses being opposite the Opera, and serves the district of the Boulevard Haussmann.

The station is famous for its strong odors of sewers. When it was being built, there were concerns that one of Hector Guimard's characteristic iron metro entrances would spoil the view of the opera house, so a marble entrance was built instead.

The film's score was composed by Brian Eno and Claudio Simonetti. The film was released in the United States under the title Terror at the Opera.

The film was one of Argento's most commercially successful films, seeing 1,, ticket sales in his native country of Italy. It was originally released in Korean as part of their fifth Korean studio album, Mr.

Simple on 3 August This single set a new record as the most singles sold by a Korean artist in a week. Opera ; English plural: operas; Italian plural: opere is an art form in which singers and musicians perform a dramatic work combining text libretto and musical score, usually in a theatrical setting.

In traditional opera, singers do two types of singing: recitative , a speech-inflected style and arias , a more melodic style.

Opera incorporates many of the elements of spoken theatre , such as acting , scenery, and costumes and sometimes includes dance.

The performance is typically given in an opera house , accompanied by an orchestra or smaller musical ensemble, which since the early 19th century has been led by a conductor.

Opera is part of the Western classical music tradition. It started in Italy at the end of the 16th century with Jacopo Peri's lost Dafne , produced in Florence in and soon spread through the rest of Europe: Schütz in Germany, Lully in France, and Purcell in England all helped to establish their national traditions in the 17th century.

In the 18th century, Italian opera continued to dominate most of Europe except France , attracting foreign composers such as Handel.

Opera seria was the most prestigious form of Italian opera, until Gluck reacted against its artificiality with his "reform" operas in the s.

The first third of the 19th century saw the high point of the bel canto style, with Rossini, Donizetti and Bellini all creating works that are still performed in the s It also saw the advent of Grand Opera typified by the works of Auber and Meyerbeer.

The mid-to-late 19th century was a "golden age" of opera, led and dominated by Wagner in Germany and Verdi in Italy. The popularity of opera continued through the verismo era in Italy and contemporary French opera through to Puccini and Strauss in the early 20th century.

During the 19th century, parallel operatic traditions emerged in central and eastern Europe, particularly in Russia and Bohemia. The 20th century saw many experiments with modern styles, such as atonality and serialism Schoenberg and Berg , Neoclassicism Stravinsky , and Minimalism Philip Glass and John Adams.

With the rise of recording technology , singers such as Enrico Caruso and Maria Callas became known to much wider audiences that went beyond the circle of opera fans.

Since the invention of radio and television, operas were also performed on and written for these mediums.

Beginning in , a number of major opera houses began to present live high-definition video transmissions of their performances in cinemas all over the world.

In , an opera company offered an online download of a complete performance. The song received no points from the 19 other countries taking part, placing joint last of 20 together with Spain who also failed to score.

Opera is the first Classical compilation album of opera arias by Italian tenor Andrea Bocelli. The album was only released in the United Kingdom and charted in the album charts of both the UK and Ireland.

Opera is the debut studio album of Richard Dorfmeister and Rupert Huber's electronic music project Tosca. It combines new material and previously released singles, including "Chocolate Elvis".

The station provides access to an area with tourist landmarks such as Teatro Real, Plaza de Oriente and the Royal Palace. Its name comes from nearby Madrid opera house, the Teatro Real.

Opera is a station in the Antwerp premetro network, lying under the Leien near the Teniersplaats in the city centre. The station was opened on March 25, , at the initial opening of the Antwerp premetro network.

The station lies in the immediate proximity of the Antwerp opera building and is a part of the central east-west premetro axis.

Green available on the International Gramsci Society website: www. In Italian, specific languages are referred to with the term lingua and lingue in plural , whereas linguaggio is more general, denoting the human capability to use language in speech or writing.

It would be a mistake to conflate this distinction between the French langue and parole or its utilization by Saussure, although there is a slight overlap.

As Rosiello notes chapter 2 , Gramsci never provides a theoretical distinction between lingua and linguaggio.

Thus, we have included the term in brackets to allow the reader to see for himself or herself how the distinction is utilized both by Gramsci and by the authors.

NOTES 1. See chapters 3 and especially 15 of this volume for discussions of the early works on Gramsci and language. Lo Piparo is currently working on an updated and revised edition of this book.

See this volume, page Introduction 13 4. See chapters 2, 3 and 4, respectively, and M. See chapter 10, page See for example, Anne Showstack Sassoon, ed.

Anne M. See note Introduction 15 See chapter 8, page Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, vol. Frank Rosengarten, trans.

Antonio Gramsci, Quaderno del Carcere, four volumes, ed. Valentino Gerratana Turin: Einaudi, In that book, I intentionally did not deal with the political implications of my research.

Yet the following fundamental question is unavoidable: are the hidden sources of the cultural originality of Italian communism in the second half of the twentieth century to be found in the linguistic imprint that the young Gramsci received at the University of Turin in the school of Matteo Bartoli?

The sociology of culture connected to the formation of the national states is not debated within Marxism during the s and s. But it does constitute a central subject in the Italian debates around the question of the [Italian] language [lingua].

See preface for explanation about the title change. This is a previously unpublished note that Franco Lo Piparo asked us to use to introduce his previously published essay.

The essay published here was meant to be an attempt to open a debate on these themes. The article was sent to Critica Marxista, the periodical of the Italian Communist Party in those days,2 in order to facilitate the start of a debate on these matters.

The article published in Critica Marxista [reproduced below in translation] ended with a short paragraph entitled A Doubt and a Question.

I am not going to include it in the body of the article printed here because it only has archeological and not current value. Yet I would like to quote it in this brief note.

I am also going to include a clause, emphasized with italics, which was incomprehensibly censored by the editors of Critica Marxista.

What if the Marxism of Gramsci above all the Gramsci of the Notebooks were only a very superficial exterior crust?

The question is simple: a multiplicity of convergent indications autobiographical testimonies, annotations of contemporaries, organization of the arguments in the Prison Notebooks, etc.

The primitive matrix of his philosophy should not be searched for in Marx or in Lenin or in any other Marxist, but in the science of language [linguaggio].

We will cite only three among the many possible texts. If I had the possibility of consulting the necessary material I believe that there is a really interesting book to be written that does not yet exist;.

Meanwhile I write notes, also because reading the relatively little that I have brings back to mind my old readings of the past.

Besides, this is not a completely new thing for me, because ten years ago I wrote an essay on the [Italian] language [lingua] question according to Manzoni, and that required a certain research into the organization of Italian culture, from the time when the written language the so-called medieval Latin, that is, that Latin written from AD until became completely detached from the language spoken by the people, which, Roman centralization having come to an end, was fragmented into infinite dialects.

This medieval Latin was followed by vulgar languages, which were again submerged by humanistic Latin, giving rise to an erudite language, vulgar in lexicon but not in its phonology and even less in its syntax, which was reproduced from Latin: thus there continued to exist a double language, the popular or dialectical one and the erudite, that is, the language of intellectuals and the cultivated classes.

Manzoni himself, in rewriting The Betrothed and in his treatises on the Italian language, actually only took into account a single aspect of the language, the lexicon, and not the syntax that is in fact the essential part of any language, so much so that English, though it contains more than 60 percent of Latin or neo-Latin words, is a Germanic language, whereas Roumanian [sic], though it contains more than 60 percent of [sic] Slavic words, is a neo-Latin language.

B The next text is quoted even more often and is more famous than the first. It would of course be a matter of dealing only with the methodological and purely theoretical part of the subject, which has never been dealt with completely and systematically from the new point of view of the neolinguists as opposed to the neogrammarians this letter of mine, dear Tania, will horrify you!

What do you say about all of this? At bottom, if you examine them thoroughly, there is a certain homogeneity among these four subjects: the creative spirit of the people in its diverse stages and degrees of development is in equal measure at their base.

Perhaps other explanations are possible; but those who study Gramsci as a theoretician of intellectuals have yet to provide one.

From this moment onwards, the censors decreased their control and the Notebooks do not bear the preventative stamp of the prison authorities anymore.

In these conditions of semi-freedom he compiles what will be his last Notebook, dated He devotes it not to immediately political subjects, but to the concept of grammar.

Language [linguaggio] continues to be at the center of his intellectual activity until the end of his life. Is this a sign that the key to his political philosophy is to be found in language?

This biographical information is waiting to become part of the reconstructions and theoretical treatises on Gramsci.

Gramsci is not like one of the many Marxist philosophers from whom one can deduce a philosophy of language along with any number of other theories.

His reflections on language [linguaggio] and his linguistic culture were the generative mechanism of his originality and what renders him radically different from other Marxists.

This, obviously, does not mean that other experiences have not converged in the formation of his thought, Soviet Marxism included.

The question at stake is different. Did those experiences have the original theoretical results that they did because they were grafted on to a branch predisposed to grow towards the theory of intellectuals and of hegemony?

The question could be reformulated in another way. If the theory of intellectuals and hegemony had Leninist or generically Soviet or Marxist origins, why did Togliatti not produce anything similar, considering that he 24 Franco Lo Piparo went through a longer and more absorbent immersion in Soviet and nonSoviet Marxism?

Togliatti divided them, and probably no one could do better. Gramsci argued on various occasions that the subjects he treated were deeply homogeneous.

Scholars have often forgotten this indication of Gramsci. Each of the scholars has singled out their own Gramsci: a Gramsci fitting with their own discipline, without worrying excessively about the coherence between their Gramsci and the Gramsci singled out by their colleagues.

What ties the more than two thousand pages of the Notebooks together? The socialist revolution is only one of the ways although certainly for Gramsci the most important in which the problem of the formation of cohesive national-popular organisms may present themselves in history.

With respect to the formation of unitary and cohesive national-popular wills, language [linguaggio] works simultaneously as: A a microcosm and laboratory in which one can find mechanisms and procedures that operate in a more complex way on the macro-social scale; and B an indispensable constitutive factor of complex collective wills such as the people-nations.

The study of language [linguaggio] compels the young Gramsci to go back to the history and sociology of intellectuals because of an even more theoretical aspect.

We cite here only one article that Meillet published in in the magazine Scientia: It is inevitable that among the actual ways of speaking some are used by more powerful groups or groups with superior civilization, which for some reason are given a greater prestige.

Such ways of speaking function as models for the other ones. With respect to relationships among groups, if it is not possible to speak exactly the same way, the goal is to approximate the models.

And so that the Party comes to be identified with the historical consciousness of the mass of the people, and it governs their spontaneous, irresistible 26 Franco Lo Piparo movement.

This is an incorporeal government that is transmitted through millions and millions of spiritual links; it is a irradiation of prestige, that can become a truly effective government only in climactic moments.

The Party. B A collective will is held together also by a common language. Gramsci insists on this aspect of the problem with obsessive frequency.

We quote only a long methodological note from Notebook 10 and a quick annotation from Notebook Language, languages and common sense.

At the limit, it may be said that every speaking being has her own personal language [linguaggio], i.

Culture, in its various levels, unifies a larger or smaller number of individuals into many strata which come into greater or lesser expressive relations and understand each other to varying degrees, etc.

One must go back until the Roman Empire question of language, of intellectuals etc. This is the theme to which the last Notebook is devoted bearing an only apparently odd title, National Language and Grammar [Lingua Nazionale e Grammatical] , and that must, instead, be read for what it is: a small and dense tract on the processes of the formation and on the conditions of success of the hegemonies capable of unifying and aggregating complex organisms such as the people-nation.

Some of the passages from this notebook are very well known to the Italian linguists. We now call them to the attention of the nonlinguist readers.

See note 2. But Gramsci uses popolo-nazione much more frequently. Given this situation and that in Italian modifying adjectives often follow the nouns they modify, we have translated nazione-popolo as people-nation.

See the introduction, page 12, for discussion. We will indicate the English translation, if used. IX, V : n.

Champion, , Quintin Hoare and trans. Forgacs and G. Nowell-Smith, trans. Boelhower Cambridge, Mass. Gramsci, rather, simply looked for methodological canons that would fit into the frame of a materialistic theory of history better than the ones of the neo-grammarians.

This is the case provided that what he wrote in Avanti! Paolo Ramat, Hans-J. Translated by Rocco Lacorte with assistance by Peter Ives.

Gramsci did in fact write home in and , including lists of Sardinian words and constructions, and asking his father or sister to carry out actual small investigations to check for their existence in the spoken language or to verify their phonetic and semantic exactness.

Gramsci wrote the following to his father in January I am sending a list of words: have somebody translate them into Sardinian, yet into the dialect of Fonni asking around will let you be more precise.

Indicate clearly, for example, which S must be pronounced softly, as in rosa and which muted as in sordo. I beg you not to make mistakes, since this is an assignment that I was given by a professor with whom I must take an exam this year.

I would not like to jeopardize myself by something foolish. As soon as you write it down, send it to me immediately, because my professor needs it for a work of linguistics he is carrying out.

Moreover, this project had, for Gramsci, also an emotional value: it was meant to solve the old debt to his teacher.

The research Gramsci probably carried out for his graduation thesis convinced him to consider the formation of a national language as an historical and cultural fact strictly linked to the formation of the dominant intellectual stratum.

Still, this will be one of the themes that Gramsci will meditate on incessantly, during his solitary 32 Luigi Rosiello elaboration in the Prison Notebooks.

This conception of language [lingua] as cultural and social historicity is, however, already operating while he was a political militant of the Italian Socialist Party.

He will indeed use it to fight and correct those ideological utopic-humanitarian and cosmopolitan tendencies which were still operating in the socialist movement.

But what Gramsci is interested in is grasping the ideological aspect of the problem, namely, the bourgeois matrix of thought that constitutes the origin of the ideals of a linguistic unification artificially created.

Languages are very complex and subtle organisms and cannot be artificially created. Nations were formed because of the economic and political necessities of one class: the language [lingua] has only been one of the visible documents needed for propaganda, which bourgeois writers used to promote consensus among sentimental people and the ideologues.

On the contrary, it is the national unification that has always and everywhere determined the diffusion of the traditional literary language among the learned strata belonging to a certain region.

He thinks that the relationship languagenation is based on determined historical conditions that have permitted a determined social class to become hegemonic within the arena of a national unity.

On a more general level, Gramsci demonstrates that he knows how to correctly posit the problem about the relationship that must exist between linguistic science and the way Marxist theory is to be applied and specified.

In this work, Engels showed how it is possible to correctly integrate the methods elaborated and the results achieved by linguistics in his times in a global materialistic theory of history and society.

On many occasions, however, he deals with linguistics 34 Luigi Rosiello in connection with a whole series of other problems regarding the nature of Italian culture and the organization of intellectuals, the folklore and the culture of subaltern classes, the politics of education and teaching methods, etc.

In the first letter he wrote, after his arrest, in the jail of Regina Coeli, Gramsci asks his landlord, Mrs. In a letter to Tatiana written in October , Gramsci asks again to have this book sent, which he will henceforth recall, even in the Prison Notebooks, with the title Manualetto di linguistica.

Still in December he says he never received this book from a librarian he ordered it from. As a matter of fact, the latter does not appear in the list of books he had in prison.

In the outline of , Gramsci relates his treatment of the theoretical aspects of the neo-linguistic method to his other theme concerning the definition of grammar.

Thus, the definition of grammar becomes a topic on which Gramsci constantly meditates. Many linguists, indeed, were declaring in various ways their agreement with the reigning idealism, whereas others went on with their linguistic work, isolating themselves, using the traditional method of the neo-grammarians without intervening on theoretical questions.

In this case modesty and disinterest become guilt. The unproblematized trust in a factual legitimization of the science of linguistics disarmed Italian linguists theoretically in the face of idealistic intrusiveness.

Italian linguists, since they were lacking the capability and habit of theorizing, happened to accept ideas and theories placing linguistics out of their scientific field.

This is precisely what Gramsci infers when reproaching Bartoli for collaborating with Bertoni. Historicism itself is not here to understand in the speculative sense idealistic philosophies assigned to it.

Such philosophies would consider historical linguistic facts as events that are individual, unrepeatable and revealing spiritual and universal values.

On the contrary, I think that historicism must be here understood in a more general, I would say methodological, sense: designating the time-space dimension of as a criterion for understanding and explaining the historicity of linguistic events and structures.

To be sure, they, too become individual, not as the individual-artist but in the complete, determinate individual qua [cultural]-historical element.

Gramsci goes on clarifying that linguistic innovations occur: by interference of different cultures, etc. These concepts must refer to the different cultural, social, political and economic conditions that constitute the cause of the hegemony of one dialect or language over other languages and dialects related to the hegemony of one social class and intellectual stratum over an entire community.

The dynamics of social relations are implied in the complex network of relationships established when the linguistic system is modified and when the linguistic norm literary, national language imposes itself as an element that unifies and organizes the diversity of the uses characterizing social stratifications or diversities.

On the contrary, Gramsci conceives language [lingua] as really produced by the convergence of the social and historical interests of a determined human group that both collectively reaches a common way of expressing and also expresses social and cultural differentiations and conflicts.

Language [linguaggio] also means even though at the level of common sense culture and philosophy.

Culture in its various degrees unifies a majority or minority of individuals in numerous strata, more or less in expressive contact, and that understand each other in diverse degrees etc.

It is these differences and historico-cultural distinctions that are reflected into common language [linguaggio].

Thus, language [lingua] expresses the culture of a given people, even if each culture contains some differences and diversities that are determined by historico-social conditions, which are expressed in various types of socially connoted language [linguaggio].

The fact that Gramsci takes into account the sociocultural conditions of the speakers explains his position in relation to the problem concerning the relationship between national language and dialects, which, as it seems to me, expresses the same attitude he had toward the relationship between dominant and folkloric culture.

Yet a dialectal linguistic system linked to a narrow and subaltern cultural environment will have more limited and sectarian communicative potentials than those offered by the national language that, despite its internal differentiations, expresses a hegemonic culture: Someone who only speaks dialect, or understands the standard language incompletely, necessarily has an intuition of the world which is more or less limited and provincial, which is fossilised and anachronistic in relation to the other major currents of thought which dominate world history.

His interests will be limited, more or less corporate or economistic, not universal. While it is not always possible to learn a number of foreign languages in order to put oneself in contact with other cultural lives, it is at the least necessary to learn the national language properly.

A great culture can be translated into the language of another great culture, that is to say a great national language with historic richness and complexity, and it can translate any other great culture and can be a world-wide means of expression.

But a dialect cannot do this. For Gramsci, this does not mean that one has to negate the realities of dialects: he has never argued that dialects must disappear; he only affirmed that it is necessary to set in motion a determined cultural and political situation in order for popular classes to overcome every cultural and linguistic sectarianism45 and to get the kind of linguistic system capable of guaranteeing the communication of universal cultural content, which characterize the new hegemonic function exercised by the proletariat.

Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 41 When Gramsci talks about national language, however, he is well aware of using a compromised concept that, in order for it to be freed from every romantic and idealistic ideological implication, must be redefined in sociological terms and verified in the light of historical and social determinations.

Therefore, Gramsci explains the formation of national languages directly relating it to the modalities in which intellectual strata are formed, to the latter political and social function and to the traits of the hegemonic culture they represent.

His contribution is still productive if one connects it to the strong expansion of the modern sociology of language, which is attentively looking, for example, at linguistic policies in the developing countries.

Gramsci complains about the lack of works of history of the Italian language carried out using the sociological method, such as F.

He shows how the basic character of the literary, written language, not the spoken or popular language, depends on the cosmopolitan function exercised by the intellectual caste since the times when it was the language through which the Catholic and universalistic culture of the dominant class used to express itself.

The growth of the communes propelled the development of the vernaculars, and the intellectual hegemony of Florence consolidated it; that is, it created an illustrious vernacular.

But what is this illustrious vernacular? It is the Florentine [dialect] developed by the intellectuals of the old tradition: the vocabulary as well as the phonetics are Florentine, but the syntax is Latin.

The victory of the vernacular over the Latin was not easy, however: with the exception of poets and artists in general, learned Italians wrote for Christian Europe not for Italy; they were a compact group of cosmopolitan and not national intellectuals.

The fall of the communes and the advent of the principality, the creation of a governing caste detached from the people, crystallized this vernacular in the same way literary Latin had been crystallized.

Italian became, once again, a written and not a spoken language, belonging to the learned, not to the nation.

In other words, it is not the case that an entire stratum of the population creates its own intellectuals when it attains power which is what happened in the fourteenth century ; rather, a traditionally selected body assimilates single individuals into its cadres the typical example of this is the ecclesiastical structure.

In other words, this approach also includes the problematic related to semiological writing systems analyzed as facts emerging from determined types of organization and the diffusion of culture.

The same function that was performed in medieval Europe by a linguistic system was in China performed by the system of writing. In other words, this function consisted in transmitting the culture of a certain dominant class not rooted in the popular and national cultural and linguistic reality.

This scheme, based on the analysis of the relationships between communication oral and written and cultural organizational modalities, engages a wide-ranging thematic related both to the description of present conditions and to historical precedents.

These notes, as I said, should have constituted the ground for a wider and more organic examination. This way of defining grammar does not exhaust all of its modalities.

Normative grammar equals historical grammar the same as politics equals history in a relationship of complementary necessity. Put in another way, if the intervention meant to unify the dominant class is based on real processes of popular participation that tend to overcome particularism and tend to cultural and linguistic unification, an opposition on principle to such an intervention must be considered anachronistic and reactionary.

An organized intervention will speed up the time of the already existing process. This kind of grammar acts in a much less conscious way when the speakers belong to the lower classes, whereas at the level of the upper classes it is more conscious for the speakers in terms of cultural selection.

Those who belong to the high classes, and who have the adequate cultural instruments at their disposal to develop their own rational competencies, can, instead, reach this level of competence even independently of teaching.

The contents of this notebook Lo Piparo is right 55 cannot be read without taking into account the other prison notebooks, where Gramsci develops his political thought about the modalities in which organized workers can gain power in civil society and the modalities of exercising their ruling role before their complete conquest of state power.

Lo Piparo, David Forgacs and Geoffrey Nowell-Smith, trans. It is hard to believe that Gramsci would find time to write such an essay in , the Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 47 year in which the factories of Turin were occupied.

It has perhaps to be dated back to the year ; Leonardo Paggi, Antonio Gramsci e il moderno principe Rome: Editori Riuniti, , Guido Melis, ed.

See Melis, 44, LP1, For a different translation, see Antonio Gramsci, Letters from Prison, trans. Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Cultural Writings, ed.

William Boelhower Cambridge, Mass. SCW, SCW, 27, translation altered slightly. See Lo Piparo about the influence of Ascoli on the formation and thought of Gramsci.

Cited in Ambrosoli, Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del Carcere, four volumes, ed. Lo Piparo, 49ff. As the Soviet scholar E.

Therefore, reelaborating the methodological questions of linguistics, Gramsci does not criticize the theories of the neo-grammarians as much as the reactionary conception of the so-called idealist neo-linguists.

In reality, the picture Gramsci had of the neogrammatical method derived, above all, from the terms of the polemic set up by Bartoli.

Gramsci was not exactly aware of the fact that there was not as great a distance between the neo-linguistic and neo-grammatical method as appeared on the level of militant polemic.

Leipzig: B. For a different translation, see SCW, Hermann Paul, Principien der Sprachgeschichte, fifth ed.

Halle: Niemeyer, Strong London: wan Sonnenschein, Lowrey, Linguistics and Marxism in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci 49 Bertoni and Bartoli, This sociolinguistic thematic is broadly explored by De Mauro; however, Gramsci is only used marginally and only quoted twice.

Principi e plebe vengono qua: Madame de Tebe le carte fa. From hearts and spades anxious mouths often ask for truth Princes and commoners come Madame of Tebe reads the cards M.

Lombardo, Madame de Tebe1 1 Today, we can understand that the relevance of the amount of space Antonio Gramsci devoted to language [linguaggio] in his historical and theoretical reflections is not only biographical or quantitative.

There is a renewed need to understand the role and the limits of this specific linguistic interest with respect to his thought taken as a whole and to understand its vitality within the scholarship.

This interest is not exclusively Italian anymore. It is shared by linguistics internationally. It is not possible to substitute a Gramsci seen as entirely devoted to books of linguistics for the Gramsci seen as a mere Marxist ideologue that dominated the old vernacular gramsciology, or for the Gramsci seen as a pure politician that one can find in recent works.

Gramsci was conscious of this experience and he reflected on it, as evident in his notes on journalism. This was an intense and original experience, as attested to by Paolo Spriano.

In this respect, his was really and 54 Tullio De Mauro literally the non-erudite philosophy of a varied and direct praxis.

Gramsci writes: Manzoni asked himself: now that Italy is formed, how can the Italian language be created? He answered: all Italians will have to speak Tuscan and the Italian state will have to recruit its elementary teachers in Tuscany.

Tuscan will be substituted for the numerous dialects spoken in the various regions and, with Italy formed, the Italian language will be formed too.

Manzoni managed to find government support and start the publication of a Novo dizionario which was supposed to contain the true Italian language.

But the Novo dizionario remained half-finished and teachers were recruited among educated people in all regions of Italy.

It had transpired that a scholar of the history of the language, Graziadio Isaia Ascoli, had set some thirty pages against the hundreds of pages by Manzoni in order to demonstrate: that not even a national language can be created artificially, by order of the state; that the Italian language was being formed by itself and would be formed only in so far as the shared life of the nation gave rise to numerous and stable contacts between the various parts of the nation; that the spread of a particular language is due to the productive activity of the writings, trade and commerce of the people who speak that particular language.

With regard to this latter remark, however, it is necessary to make a twofold consideration.

At this stage of his experience, Gramsci has already established, in an historical way, the terms of a certain dialectic between society and language to which he will later return.

To search for a model language is, then, to look for a motionless motion. It is not only without good reason that the most ardent supporter of this or that solution to the problem of the unity of the language [lingua] be it the adoption of a Latinate, fourteenth-century, or Florentine language, or whatever else when he comes to speak, in order to communicate his views and to make them understood, feels reluctant to apply his theories; since he senses that to substitute the Latin, fourteenth-century, or Florentine words for those of a different origin which correspond to his natural impressions, would be to falsify the genuine form of the truth; so that from being a speaker, he would become a conceited listener to himself, from a serious man, a pedant; from a sincere person, a histrionic one.

The question of the unity of language continually crops up because, as it is posed, it is insoluble, being founded on a false conception of what language is.

It is not an arsenal of beautiful finished weapons, and it is not a vocabulary, which is a collection of abstractions, that is to say, a cemetery of corpses more or less progressively updated.

We would not want, by this somewhat brusque way of cutting short the question of a model language, or of the unity of the language, to appear less than respectful to the great throng of writers, who have for centuries discussed it in Italy.

This volume, as is known, shocked Bartoli because it came close to plagiarizing him; he even recommended it to his students.

This version of the text was not changed in the subsequent editions published by Laterza. But in the first version , this passage is followed by one quoted below where Croce posited the premises for an historical rethinking of what the question of language had been.

In this earlier version, he writes with more vivacity and uses concrete and openly politico-social references, reminiscent of Pontano.

Here is the continuation of the passage quoted above from the version: [We would not want to appear less than respectful. I will add that, in my opinion, the true problem troubling Manzoni was aesthetic and was not a problem of aesthetic science, of literature or of the theory of literature, of effective speaking and writing and not of linguistic science.

Rejecting this thesis does not mean affirming that Manzoni and his followers were working on an empty terrain. What was at stake were new impressions demanding new expressions.

Moreover, the question [of the unity of the language] that had been solved practically, remained theoretically unresolved or was badly resolved by means of the false conception that Florentine authors were the repository of the only real Italian linguistic tradition.

Anyone who speaks or writes in Italy nowadays has felt the effectiveness of the movement promoted by Manzoni; even his adversaries felt it.

As is the case. Three decades later, the linguist Alfredo Schiaffini and Antonio Gramsci find themselves far enough from those texts to consider the question of language with the detachment of the historian, in the former case in a specialized journal, Italia Dialettale [Italian Dialect], and the latter, notes written in prison.

The intention of historicizing the old question of language is present in both Gramsci and Schiaffini. They both highlight the objective components Language from Nature to History 57 of the discussions among the intelligentsia.

Moreover, as is known, the subsequent historical studies have deepened, specified, and confirmed the interpretive lines Schiaffini had enunciated.

What Gramsci attempted to elaborate in his mind during the period of his stay in Vienna and in Moscow, and during the rise of the PCI [the Italian Communist Party] was a general national Italian response to the dramatic demands of the international communist movement and of the forthcoming fascisms.

This general hypothesis can be integrated with other considerations that are more specifically connected to the questions regarding the relationships between language, nationality and classes, which have been recently and rightly pointed out by Giancarlo Schirru, a young scholar from Rome.

These questions are alive in international socialism in early s. These vital questions arise while the two great multilingual Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires are collapsing and new nationalities and languages are acquiring relevance, and while the Soviet Union starts a great alphabetization process of its population targeting the most disparate languages spoken in the country.

All these 58 Tullio De Mauro languages are transformed from being almost exclusively oral to also being written languages. The alphabetization process occurs starting from the written languages and only later from the teaching of the Russian language.

It must be noted that William McKey and Miguel Siguan, two of the major scholars of the processes of alphabetization in bilingual areas, have recently stressed, in Bilinguisme et Education [Bilingualism and Education], what I have always held: the great experience of the Soviet linguistico-scholastic politics is an exemplary one.

Thanks to these techniques history is constructed on the basis of nature. Starting from the vital natural base, human beings become historical subjects thanks to these techniques.

A chaos, i. What Gramsci wants to investigate passionately and enlighten us by teaching is the nexus and the circularity of these elements: that is, the capability of transforming raw materials into new products.

This means that, for Gramsci, the economic-productive element is interwoven with the element of invention and cultural elaboration, and both cannot subsist without being woven into the capability of linguistic elaboration and communication and with the construction of life in common in both the ethnic and national dimensions of life.

Within this circle, which is vital for individuals and society, language and linguistic conformism constitute only one link; although the circle is broken without it.

Croce, pushed by dramatic theoretically external factors of the fight against the obtuse savagery of fascism and Nazism, will follow Gramsci along this path, even though much later.

The latter is always a political act and, if adequate, leads to the constitution of more or less temporary written national languages. Whereas one can observe a neverending mobility of immanent grammars in Saussure, even though concealed by the apparent inertness of written languages with respect to the vital and primary self-making and -unmaking of spoken langue; one can observe a neverending mobility of political situations and of the political effects springing out of the constitution of relatively inert written languages, which emerge by historic-political necessity from the mobile dynamics related to the permanent innovativeness of speaking.

It is not correct to say that these discussions were useless and have not left traces in modern culture, even if the traces are modest.

Over the Language from Nature to History 61 last century a unified culture has in fact been extended, and therefore also a common unified language.

But the entire historical formation of the Italian nation moved at too slow a pace. Today, as I was recalling at the beginning of this piece, these questions are being translated into other languages and appear to have a broader attraction for those who work in the educative dimension or attend to theoretical studies on language and culture: like the tongue in cheek refrain, which Gramsci loved, Princes and people come: Madame of Tebe reads the cards.

Quoted in M. Harro Stammerjohann, ed. Croce, Tesi Fondamentali, See Croce, The Aesthetic, Translation altered.

There is a radical rupture with the tradition of positivist and neo-grammatical tradition in this metaphor, in a historical moment of both very dense theoretical and meta-theoretical reflection, where linguistics starts to constitute itself as science, while including itself in the class of the semiological disciplines.

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